Joint statement on AI in warfare
sumber foto: https://www.defenseone.com/

Joint statement on AI in warfare

Monday, 15 Jun 2026

We, the undersigned organizations and individuals, are deeply alarmed by the rapid militarization of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. AI systems embedded into military kill chains are accelerating the speed and scale of military assaults in a manner that creates significant new risks for accountability in conflict and risks facilitating violations of international criminal, human rights, and humanitarian law.

We therefore call for tech companies and states to halt the provision of AI systems for use in the military kill chain and to take all steps to ensure that other AI systems they provide do not cause or contribute to violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL). This includes the use of AI decision-support systems, including target generation systems, remote biometric surveillance, and multimodal AI models, including large language models (LLMs). AI-accelerated warfare is rapidly becoming a means of rubber-stamping killing at speed and at scale, and currently no technical or procedural fixes can effectively prevent the lethal and devastating consequences that stem from the fundamental challenges it poses to international law.

All companies, including those contracting with government military agencies across the AI supply chain, from licensing and training ‘frontier’ models to providing data processing and storage functionalities, must take all possible steps to ensure that their products and services are not causing, contributing to, or being directly linked to human rights abuses and international crimes. In armed conflict, this responsibility extends to respecting international humanitarian and criminal law, given the heightened risk of facilitating gross human rights abuses, including grave violations of international law, in such contexts. Where companies cannot meaningfully prevent or mitigate such risks, they must not enter into or fulfill such contracts.

AI-enabled data storage and analysis systems used in the kill chain, including Anthropic’s Claude large language model and the Maven Smart System, are, according to an NBC investigation, playing a role in supporting US and Israeli attacks on Iran. Open AI recently agreed to provide AI services to the US Department of Defense (DoD); Google has contracted with the DoD, like Anthropic, to “develop prototype frontier AI capabilities to address critical national security challenges in across warfighting and enterprise domains”; Microsoft, Google, and Amazon have for years provided data storage, processing, and other enterprise infrastructure services to DoD “warfighting” programs.

According to media reports and official statements by the DoD, the rapid generation of targets by AI tools has enabled the increase in speed, scale, intensity, and destructive force of US strikes on Iran. Within the first 48 hours of strikes, Israel and the US reportedly struck nearly 2,000 targets in Iran. While much remains unclear about the precise role played by AI systems in these military attacks on Iran, the strikes have had a devastating impact on civilians and civilian infrastructure. 

The adoption of AI targeting systems in this campaign follows the example of the Israeli government’s weaponization of data analysis and machine learning tools, powered by mass surveillance, in its genocidal attacks on Gaza. By diluting human responsibility for life-and-death decisions, Israel’s use of systems such as Lavender, Gospel, and Where’s Daddy may contribute to the obfuscation of international crimes behind a veneer of perceived algorithmic objectivity while also obfuscating accountability. 

Not for the first time, we are seeing Palestine used as a laboratory for experimental and dehumanizing methods of warfare, including through corporate tech partnerships with Israeli military agencies. Microsoft, Google, Palantir, and other tech companies may have contributed to or enabled the Israeli government’s access to mass data storage, processing and analysis systems that are aiding their ongoing destruction and genocide in Gaza, which has so far led to the killing of at least 72,000 Palestinians.

Legal scholars and practitioners, technical experts, tech workers, UN special rapporteurs, and investigative journalists have long warned against the development and deployment of AI in warfare, given the heightened risk of international crimes. Despite claims by their proponents that AI tools are making warfare more effective, precise, or humane, real-world deployments indicate that AI is actually facilitating more violent, dehumanizing, and destructive methods of warfare.

In particular, we are profoundly concerned that the use of LLMs for target generation and prioritization is pushing military actors into a form of warfare where foundational principles of international humanitarian law –– including the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution –– are not, and arguably cannot be, sufficiently respected, given the sheer speed and scale of such technologies, in addition to the unreliable, biased, and often illegally obtained input data. And we further assert that these dynamics risk facilitating human rights abuses, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Moreover, the opacity that comes with the use of these tools fundamentally threatens the possibility of attributing moral or legal responsibility in cases where errors are made. As Anthropic has stated themselves “…today, frontier AI systems are simply not reliable enough to power fully autonomous weapons. We will not knowingly provide a product that puts America’s warfighters and civilians at risk”. Actors who choose to deploy AI systems that are used to commit international crimes must be held criminally responsible.

Our concerns are not limited to the errors that may result from such systems malfunctioning but encompass how these systems fundamentally transform military operations. We therefore reject the premise that at present, technical or functional fixes, whether that be a purported ‘human in the loop’ or supposedly hardcoded guardrails in AI models, can prevent the lethal and devastating consequences of AI-accelerated kill chains. These propositions allow for the normalization and proliferation of embedding AI in military decision-making to the detriment of vulnerable communities and populations. At present, meaningful human control, genuine accountability, oversight, and transparency of these technologies are not possible in their current form.

Even where AI systems used for target acquisition do not make the final decision to kill, they risk becoming rubber-stamping mechanisms for killing at scale because they appeal to false notions of objectivity and may displace accountability and due diligence, which can ultimately serve to expedite and streamline mass killing. Layering such systems with even more ‘frictionless’ techniques of surveillance, target acquisition, and command operations, e.g., in the form of large AI models, such as LLMs, automates dehumanization by reducing questions of life and death to a simple chat prompt. The decision to kill another human being carries a grave moral and legal weight and must never be devolved to purely accepting or rejecting the recommendations of AI systems. When militaries rely on AI to expedite target identification with such speed and routinization that any human review risks becoming a rubber stamp without meaningful human control, mass killing can and will often ensue, in direct violation of the principle of precaution under IHL.

Companies have a responsibility to respect human rights and refrain from causing or contributing to human abuses and other violations of international law, including providing material or financial support to states engaged in international crimes. As reflected in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, companies engaged in such conduct must immediately cease their contribution to harm. Even when a company is not causing or contributing to harm but is merely linked to it, it is expected to use its leverage to seek to bring an end to these violations.

Once they have entered military contracts, companies may have limited agency over how their products and services are used, demonstrated through Anthropic’s standoff with the US government, as well as reports of Google and Amazon suspending the applicability of their terms of services in contracts with the Israeli government. As recently as 27 April 2026, more than 560 Google employees signed an open letter to Google’s CEO, urging the company to refuse to let the US government use its AI technology in classified military operations.

Tech companies and their executives should take seriously their potential culpability in cases where their technologies play a role in violations of international law before entering these lucrative defense contracts, and refrain from doing so where they cannot make such an assessment. Beyond that, they must also understand the role they have to play in reshaping the normative architecture of the use of AI in conflict.

We, the undersigned organizations and individuals, call for: 

Tech companies to:

  • Refrain from entering into or fulfilling contracts with military agencies or armed groups that commit possible violations of international law, including human rights violations and atrocity crimes;
  • Refrain from selling, transferring, servicing, or exporting AI decision support systems for military kill chains and human targeting, including target generation systems and remote biometric surveillance; and
  • Refrain from selling or exporting AI decision-support systems for non-lethal purposes, including multimodal AI models such as LLMs, for use in military decision-making processes, until genuine accountability, meaningful human control, oversight, and transparency is made possible in line with principles of international humanitarian law and international human rights law.

States to: 

  • Halt the use of AI tools, including large language models, in the conduct of military targeting, and ensure adherence to principles of international humanitarian law and international human rights law; and
  • Provide transparency on how AI is currently being used in the conduct of hostilities.

Amnesty International wrote to Open AI and Anthropic relating to their human rights policies and practices in relation to generative AI use in military contexts, as it has not previously corresponded with these companies on this topic. At the time of publication of this statement only Open AI responded. Their response is available here.

Signatories

Organizations

  1. Access Now
  2. Amnesty International
  3. 7amleh – The Arab Center for the Advancement of Social Media
  4. Action for Women and Children Concern (AWCC) Somalia
  5. Action on Armed Violence
  6. Algorights
  7. AlgorithmWatch
  8. Alternatif Bilisim
  9. ApTI – Asociatia pentru Tehnologie si Internet
  10. Article 36
  11. Aseistakieltäytyjäliitto (AKL)
  12. Association for Progressive Communications
  13. Bits of Freedom
  14. Campaña Colombiana Contra MInas (CCCM)
  15. Campaign Against Arms Trade
  16. Campaign to Stop Killer Robots Austria
  17. CCAOI
  18. Center for AI and Digital Policy (CAIDP)
  19. Centre for Artificial Intelligence Ethics and Governance in Africa (CAIEGA)
  20. Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO)
  21. Centro Latinoamericano de Investigaciones Sobre Internet
  22. Código Sur
  23. Conflict and Environment Observatory
  24. Danes je Nov Dan
  25. Datysoc
  26. Derechos Digitales
  27. Digital Futures Lab
  28. Digital Rights Foundation
  29. Digitally Right
  30. Ekō
  31. European Center for Not-for-Profit Law
  32. Equinox Initiative for Racial Justice
  33. Espiral por la Vida, A.C
  34. Ethical AI Alliance
  35. European Digital Rights (EDRi)
  36. FEPAD Burundi
  37. Fight for the Future
  38. Forum Computer Professionals for Peace and Societal Responsibility (FIfF)
  39. Glitch
  40. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
  41. Hackeo Cultural
  42. Homo Digitalis
  43. ICAN Kurdistan Network (IKN)
  44. info.nodes
  45. Initiative für Netzfreiheit
  46. Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM)
  47. Interagency Institute
  48. El Instituto Panamericano de Derecho y Tecnología (IPANDETEC)
  49. Iraqi Network for Social Media (INSM)
  50. Kurdish Organizations Network Coalition for the International Criminal court (KONCICC)
  51. Kurdistan organizations Network to Abolish Nuclear and Mass Destruction Weapons (KONW)
  52. Kurdistan without Genocide
  53. Lafede – justícia global
  54. Legal Action Worldwide (LAW)
  55. Meedan
  56. Mines Action Canada
  57. Mnemonic
  58. No Tech for Apartheid
  59. Nonviolence International Canada
  60. Norwegian People’s Aid
  61. Organization Against Weapons of Mass Destruction in Kurdistan
  62. Organization of the Justice Campaign‏ (OJC)
  63. PalDigital
  64. Palestinian-led BDS Movement
  65. Pax Christi Ireland
  66. Peace Movement Aotearoa
  67. PEACEMOMO
  68. People vs Big Tech
  69. Point of View
  70. Politiscope
  71. Privacy by Design Lab
  72. Privacy Network
  73. Project Ploughshares
  74. RacismoMX (Accion Antirracista)
  75. Red de Seguridad Humana para Latinoamérica y el caribe SEHLAC
  76. Red en Defensa de los Derechos Digitales (R3D)
  77. Red Feminista de IA en América Latina y el Caribe
  78. Rete Italiana Pace Disarmo
  79. Saferworld
  80. SHARE Foundation
  81. Skyline International for Human Rights 
  82. Soka Gakkai International
  83. Somali Human Rights Association (SOHRA)
  84. Speak Up
  85. Statewatch
  86. Stop Killer Robots Campaign
  87. Stop Killer Robots Aotearoa New Zealand
  88. Suomen Rauhanpuolustajat – Finnish Peace Committee
  89. Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society
  90. Tech Global Institute
  91. Tech Justice Law
  92. Tech Workers Coalition
  93. TEDIC
  94. Tejiendo Redes Infancia en América Latina y el Caribe
  95. Tekniikka elämää palvelemaan (Technology for Life)
  96. The Institute for Technology in the Public Interest
  97. Tierra Común Network
  98. Tifa Foundation
  99. Todas Labs
  100. United Tech and Allied Workers (UTAW) Trade Union Branch
  101. Usuarios Digitales
  102. Via Lattea
  103. Virtual Planet Africa
  104. Weaving Liberation
  105. WeMove Europe
  106. Whose Knowledge?
  107. Women for Peace
  108. Women Against Nuclear Power
  109. Women for Peace and Democracy Nepal 
  110. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom
  111. World Council of Churches
  112. Yodet

Individuals

Please note the individuals named below do not necessarily represent the opinion or position of their institutions or organizations.

  1. Abdurrahman Ahmed, Google
  2. Abe Fetterman, OpenAI
  3. Abeba Birhane, AI Accountability Lab, Trinity College Dublin
  4. Al Borchers, Google Deepmind
  5. Alannah Travers, Queen’s University Belfast
  6. Albert Shaw, Google
  7. Alex Argüelles, Commun.al Digital Resistance Lab
  8. Alexander Turner, Google DeepMind
  9. Ali Assaf, Google
  10. Alix Dunn, The Maybe
  11. Ana Valdivia, Oxford Internet Institute
  12. Aoise Keogan-Nooshabadi, RealML
  13. Anouk Ruhak, Stichting Data Bescherming Nederland 
  14. Anton Alexandrov, Google
  15. Baran Özgül, Google
  16. Ben Hutchinson, Google
  17. Beth Goldberg
  18. Brett Solomon, Senior Research Fellow, Human Rights Center, Berkeley
  19. Caroline Sinders, Convocation Research + Design
  20. Catherine D’Ignazio, MIT Data + Feminism Lab
  21. Catherine Yeh, OpenAI
  22. Celso Bessa, Instituto Tecnologia Humanista
  23. Chang Sun, OpenAI
  24. Chihiro Fujisaki, Privacy by Design Lab
  25. Christoffel Doorman, Google DeepMind
  26. Claudia López, Universidad de Chile
  27. Claudia Magallanes Blanco, Universidad Iberoamericana Puebla
  28. Claudio Gutierrez, University of Chile
  29. Daniel Kasenberg, Google Deepmind
  30. Daniel Margolis, Google
  31. David Gray Widder, University of Texas at Austin
  32. Edel Hughes, University of Galway
  33. Eliana Quiroz, Fundación Internet Bolivia
  34. Elke Schwarz, International Committee for Robot Arms Control 
  35. Fabio Cristiano, Utrecht University
  36. Fiona McOwan, National Secretary Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom UK
  37. Francesca Musiani, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS)
  38. Gabriella Seiler, Reimagine
  39. Genoveva Vargas-Solar, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS)
  40. Hoda Gerami, Google
  41. Hussain Masoom, Google DeepMind
  42. Illan Wall, University of Galway
  43. Ishmael Bhila, Paderborn University
  44. Jan Wicijowski, Google
  45. Jazmin Ruiz Díaz, TEDIC
  46. Jesús Núñez Ruiz, Google
  47. Joel Hanisek, Irish Centre for Human Rights, University of Galway
  48. Jonas Scholz, Google DeepMind / University of Cambridge
  49. Joshua Aldrich, Google Cloud AI
  50. Judith Membrives i Llorens, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya
  51. Julia Slupska, University of Bristol
  52. Kathleen Richardson, De Montfort University
  53. Kave Noori, Artificial Intelligence Policy Officer, European Disability Forum
  54. Kevin Ferret, Google
  55. Kevin T. Baker, author
  56. Khan Ahmed, Google
  57. Laura Weidinger, Google DeepMind
  58. Lauren Barnard, Stop Killer Robots Youth Network
  59. Liza Loeffler, Google
  60. Lucia Fernanda Mesa Velez, Ladysmith Collective and University Giessen
  61. Maeve O’Rourke, Irish Centre for Human Rights
  62. Mais Qandeel, University of Galway
  63. Mariana Ferrarelli, Laboratorio Abierto de inteligencia artificial
  64. Marietje Schaake, Author of ‘The Tech Coup’
  65. Marwan Aljubeh, OpenAI
  66. Matinde Magabe Baraka, CEO of the Centre for AI and Multidiscipline Solutions in Africa
  67. Matthew Tschiegg, Google
  68. Michael Tjalve, Humanitarian AI Advisory
  69. Muhammed Uluyol, Google
  70. Mustaq Ahmed, Google
  71. Nahema Marchal, Google DeepMind
  72. Natalia Zuazo, FLACSO Argentina
  73. Natalie Weizenbaum, Google
  74. Nick Matelli, Google
  75. Nico Carballal, Google
  76. Nicolas Porcel, Google DeepMind
  77. Pablo Samuel Castro, Google DeepMind
  78. Paul Bradfield, Irish Centre for Human Rights
  79. Paola Ricaurte, Red Feminista de Inteligencia Artificial en América Latina y el Caribe & Red Tierra Común
  80. Patricia Peña, University of Chile
  81. Peter Zhokhov, OpenAI
  82. Piotr Mirowski, Google DeepMind
  83. Rafiya Javed, Google DeepMind
  84. Ray Acheson, author of ‘Banning the Bomb, Smashing the Patriarchy’
  85. Ray Murphy, Irish Centre for Human Rights
  86. Rainer Rehak, Weizenbaum Institute
  87. Relja Arandjelovic, Google DeepMind
  88. René Mayrhofer, Johannes Kepler University Linz and Google (pending resignation because of the deal with the US DoW)
  89. Rishub Jain, formerly at Google DeepMind
  90. Rima Sghaier, Independent digital rights researcher
  91. Roel Dobbe, Delft University of Technology
  92. Ron Salaj, Meaning Making
  93. Ryan Powell, International Press Institute
  94. Sarah Shoker, Berkeley Risk and Security Lab, formerly OpenAI
  95. Salvatore Barbera, Via Lattea
  96. Shane Darcy, Irish Centre for Human Rights
  97. Siavash Eshghi, Global Unit for Human Security, Heinrich Böll Foundation
  98. Simon Ilse, Global Unit Human Security, Heinrich Böll Foundation
  99. Simona Bonardi, Technologist and AI Ethicist
  100. Sofia Liguori, Google DeepMind
  101. Souki Mansoor, OpenAI
  102. Stefanía Acevedo, Tierra Común
  103. Susie Shefeni, Stop Killer Robots Youth Network
  104. Timothée Lottaz, Google DeepMind
  105. Timur Lukin, Google
  106. Thomas Brovelli, Google Deepmind
  107. Tom Schaul, Google DeepMind
  108. Trent McCormick, Google
  109. Urvashi Aneja, Digital Futures Lab
  110. Virginia Dignum, AI Policy Lab at Umeå University
  111. Wanda Muñoz, Red Feminista de Inteligencia Artificial en América Latina y el Caribe
  112. William Fitzgerald, The Worker Agency
  113. Zach Parent, OpenAI

 

R E L A T E D A R T I C L E

Tuesday, 12 Apr 2022
As in the previous report, during this period we also observed the development of advocacy for the protection...
Tuesday, 23 Jun 2026
We further call for such requirements to be a condition of accession to the OECD
+